Brussels can no longer remain silent regarding the Tisza government’s actions to establish an autocratic regime

The Fidesz–KDNP Group in the European Parliament calls on EU Commissioner Michael McGrath to respond to the Tisza government’s measures which restrict freedom, democracy and the rule of law whilst establishing an authoritarian regime.

In a letter sent to the Commissioner, the MEPs explain that it is clear that retroactive, tailor-made legislation, removal of independent public officials and politically motivated proceedings against opposition politicians are serving to establish an authoritarian system.

The European Commission must apply the same standards in every Member State; yet, following the baseless and fierce attacks on the rule of law from Brussels in the previous years – which served no other purpose than political blackmail –, there is now a deafening silence regarding the Tisza government’s steps towards establishing an autocratic regime.

The letter can be read here:

Mr Michael McGrath

Commissioner for Democracy, Justice, the Rule of Law and Consumer Protection

European Commission

3 October 2026

Dear Commissioner,

In recent years, the European Commission has shown particular concern regarding the state of democracy in Hungary. In light of this, we would like to draw your attention to a number of measures taken by the Tisza government, which has recently taken office, that clearly and in an unprecedented manner restrict the rule of law and democracy in Hungary.

The ruling parliamentary majority has carried out a constitutional coup. Through retroactive and tailor-made legislation, it has passed an amendment introducing a 12-year limit on parliamentary terms. This has effectively excluded a significantly large proportion of opposition MPs from political life, as they will now be unable to stand in the next election. This amendment, which is unprecedented in Europe, affects all three opposition parties, but has no impact whatsoever on the ruling party, which has new MPs. If such a restriction were in place for the European Parliament elections, 164 current MEPs would be barred from standing in the 2029 elections, and you yourself would not be able to stand again as a candidate in Ireland. This decision severely restricts the voting rights of Hungarian citizens.

Through another similar amendment, legal measures were taken to prevent the leader of the opposition from becoming Prime Minister of Hungary again. This, too, was achieved through retroactive and tailor-made legislation.

Tisza removed the President of the Republic from office three years before the end of his term by means of a single-line constitutional amendment.

Prime Minister Péter Magyar’s repeated crude political statements and constant pressure forced the Chief Public Prosecutor to resign. Through legislation tailored to specific individuals and with retroactive effect, the President of the Constitutional Court and numerous members of the Court were removed from office. Through these arbitrary decisions, they have undermined one of the most important constitutional guarantees relating to public officials holding fixed-term mandates as laid down in the Constitution: namely, that independent public officials may not, following a change of government, be removed from office before the expiry of their term by a decision of the new parliamentary majority on purely political grounds.

Opposition parties are also entitled to nominate members to the National Media Council in accordance with the media regulations adopted by the new parliamentary majority; however, in defiance of the previously established broad parliamentary consensus and by abusing their parliamentary majority, the ruling majority nevertheless failed to elect the candidates nominated by the opposition.

The new government’s relationship with the public is well illustrated by the fact that the Prime Minister uses Facebook comments to have editors he disapproves of removed from the public media, who are then escorted from their workplaces by security guards following posts on the Prime Minister’s social media accounts.

Investigators from the Public Prosecutor’s Office unlawfully seized the servers belonging to the Fidesz party and its parliamentary group. Under the pretext of criminal proceedings, they unlawfully paralysed the party’s IT and communications systems. The servers contained vast amounts of personal data, including all personal data relating to party members and supporters. The obvious aim of the authorities’ operation was to render the day-to-day activities and internal communications of the largest opposition party impossible.

A new authority with unprecedentedly broad powers (National Office for the Recovery and Protection of State Assets) has been established. The rules on judicial review and legal remedies required by the principle of the rule of law, do not apply to this authority. It is clear that this organisation, which functions as a political police force, was established to initiate politically motivated proceedings on the basis of political instructions from the Tisza Party and Péter Magyar. The aim is to intimidate and financially ruin individuals, families and businesses who are not in the good graces of the ruling regime. This political police force simultaneously carries out the tasks of preliminary investigation, criminal investigation, undercover gathering of information, as well as prosecutorial and charging duties. It may declare itself competent in any case and may take over ongoing cases from other judicial bodies or authorities without restriction. There is no effective legal remedy against its decisions.

This political police force is also authorised to monitor and eavesdrop on anyone, and to collect data on anyone without restriction; it has unrestricted access to all state and commercial registers containing personal data, and may link personal data obtained by any means without restriction.

In a manner that seriously infringes upon the right to private property and the freedom to conduct business,this new authority may take control of any private enterprise that has previously had any contractual relationship with state institutions in the broadest sense – including schools, hospitals or local authorities. The legislation governing the operation of the new authority allows the state to take over, in whole or in part, the ownership and management rights of private enterprises, even before any administrative, criminal or judicial decision has been made in an ongoing case.

Following the constitutional coup, Péter Magyar and his allies are now initiating politically motivated proceedings with the aim of violently suppressing the political opposition.

On Péter Magyar’s personal instructions, the authorities have launched politically motivated proceedings against two former Fidesz ministers on false charges. In his own Facebook posts, Péter Magyar announced in advance the launch of these politically motivated proceedings and the actions of authorities which, according to the principles of the rule of law and democracy, as well as the constitutional provisions in force, are independent of the government.All of this constitutes a serious violation of the independence of the judiciary.

Dear Commissioner,

In light of all this, we await your statement on the above cases, because as Commissioner in charge of democracy, justice, and the rule of law in the European Commission, your duty and responsibility is to monitor compliance with the rule of law in all Member States, applying the same standards, regardless of the political orientation of the government in question.

We respectfully point out that an evasive response would amount to an explicit admission that the Tisza government’s measures in Hungary restricting democracy are being taken with the European Commission’s supportive silence and encouragement.

We look forward to your reply,

Yours sincerely,

Members of the Hungarian delegation of the Patriots Group in the European Parliament